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Ο τούρκος πρόξενος δηλώνει πως δεν θα επιτρέψει την εφαρμογή Ελληνικού νόμου στην Θράκη!


Νέα πρόκληση του άθλιου τραμπούκου που παριστάνει τον Τούρκο πρόξενο στην Κομοτηνή!

«Όσο είμαι πρόξενος εγώ, ο νόμος για τον διορισμό ιμάμηδων δεν θα περάσει» δηλώνει προκλητικά ο Ιλχάν Σενέρ, δηλαδή το φασιστοειδές που υποδύεται τον πρόξενο Κομοτηνής! Αποτελεσματικές πάντως αυτή τη φορά οι πιέσεις του σε ιμάμη της Ροδόπης, που πήρε πίσω την υπογραφή του…Σχετικό και το σημερινό θέμα με το επίκαιρο καυτό ζήτημα του διορισμού των ιμάμηδων, το ζήτημα δηλαδή που θα περάσει την άλλη εβδομάδα από την ελληνική Βουλή (και ήταν και το αντικείμενο της χτεσινής ανακοίνωσης της παράταξης πολιτών της Κομοτηνής “Σπάρτακος”).

Προ ημερών λοιπόν είχε δημοσιευθεί ένα κείμενο που το υπέγραφαν 39 ιμάμηδες της Ροδόπης και μέσω του οποίου καλούσαν τους βουλευτές να προχωρήσουν επιτέλους στην ψήφιση του νομοσχεδίου που αφορά τον διορισμό τους. Το γνωστό δηλαδή και απολύτως νόμιμο και δίκαιο αίτημα, που φυσικά θα βοηθήσει και τους ανθρώπους αυτούς να απεμπλακούν από την προξενική επιρροή, δεδομένου ότι αν επιτευχθεί ο διορισμός (και συνεπώς και όλα τα συμπαρομαρτούντα, όπως μισθοδοσία, κατοχύρωση συνταξιοδοτικών δικαιωμάτων, κλπ) από το ελληνικό κράτος, θα λυθεί το έντονο βιοποριστικό τους πρόβλημα και συνεπώς δεν θα έχουν κανένα (οικονομικό τουλάχιστον) λόγο να αλληθωρίζουν προς την πρακτοροφωλιά του Τουρκικού Προξενείου Κομοτηνής.

Αυτό όμως το κείμενο προφανώς δεν άρεσε στους παρεπιδημούντες το εν λόγω… ευαγές καθίδρυμα, οπότε άρχισαν πάλι οι σχετικές πιέσεις. Και οι πιέσεις, όπως φαίνεται, δεν ήταν αυτή τη φορά τελείως ατελέσφορες (όπως ήταν π.χ. στην περίπτωση του γενναίο εκείνου ιμάμη του Σώστη), καθώς προ ολίγων ημερών ο ένας από τους 39 αυτούς ιμάμηδες, ονόματι Σαρ Χασάν Αλή από το χωριό Μικρό Πιστό του Νομού Ροδόπης, δεν…άντεξε και αποφάσισε να πάρει πίσω την υπογραφή του.

Έβγαλε λοιπόν μια ανακοίνωση (στις 26/12/2012), που την τιτλοφόρησε…«Καταγγελία» και στην οποία τα βάζει με τους… κακόβουλους εχθρούς του Προξενείου, που τον ενέπλεξαν στην εν λόγω ιστορία, χρησιμοποιώντας το όνομά του! Στο συγκεκριμένο κείμενο, που το βρήκαμε στο τουρκοπεριοδικό της Κομοτηνής «Ρόντοπ Ρουζγκαρί» (και το μετέφρασε το αδελφό ιστολόγιο tourkikanea, ενώ, όπως βλέπετε, στο τέλος του δημοσιεύματος σας παραθέτουμε και το πρωτότυπό του), διαβάζουμε λοιπόν τα εξής:

ΚΑΤΑΓΓΕΛΙΑ
Δεν έχω καμία απολύτως σχέση με την είδηση με τίτλο «Μην αφήνετε την μειονότητα στο έλεος του Προξενείου» που φέρεται να έχει δημοσιευτεί από θρησκευτικούς λειτουργούς της Ροδόπης, και διαπίστωσα πως το όνομα μου έχει χρησιμοποιηθεί.

Επιθυμώ να δηλώσω πως καταγγέλλω τους κακόβουλους οι οποίοι εξυπηρετώντας τρίτους, θέλουν να μας φέρουν αντιμέτωπους με το Προξενείο της Τουρκικής Δημοκρατίας και το συντομότερο δυνατό θα λογαριαστώ με αυτόν τον μηχανισμό ενώπιον της δικαιοσύνης.

Ενημερώνω με σεβασμό προς την κοινή γνώμη.
Σαρ Χασάν Αλή (Μικρό Πιστό)

Επειδή φυσικά είναι απολύτως προφανές ότι κανένας καπνός δεν θα μπορούσε να… εμφανιστεί άνευ φωτιάς και ότι δηλαδή όσοι –στοιχειωδώς και μόνο– ξέρουν τι γίνεται στη Θράκη, είναι τελείως βέβαιοι ότι απολύτως κανείς δεν μπορεί να χρησιμοποίησε το όνομα του εν λόγω ιμάμη στα… καλά καθούμενα, όπως τόσο… κωμικά καταγγέλλεται, είναι ηλίου φαιδρότερο ότι ο κακομοίρης ο Αλή Σαρ Χασάν, ενώ έβαλε αρχικά την υπογραφή του στο συγκεκριμένο κείμενο, δέχτηκε μετά κάποια… τηλεφωνήματα (τουλάχιστον), φοβήθηκε και πολύ απλά… λάκισε!
Και φυσικά δεν τον αδικούμε καθόλου τον άνθρωπο (όπως άλλωστε και όσους επίσης κράτησαν ανάλογη στάση στο παρελθόν, αλλά λόγω έλλειψης της οποιασδήποτε ελληνικής βοήθειας δεν άντεξαν και υποχώρησαν). Σίγουρα δεν είναι όλοι φτιαγμένοι για ήρωες και ούτε μπορεί κανείς να απαιτεί από έναν φτωχό άνθρωπο να τα βάλει με έναν τόσο τερατώδη παρακρατικό μηχανισμό, σαν όλο αυτό το πρακτοροσκυλολόι του Τουρκικού Προξενείου Κομοτηνής, μόνος του, χωρίς υλικά μέσα, κόντρα σε όλον του τον κοινωνικό περίγυρο και χωρίς να υπάρχει από την άλλη πλευρά ούτε καν διάθεση ακόμη και για ηθική έστω στήριξη.

Για την άκρως… υποθετική περίπτωση πάντως που κάποιος αμφιβάλλει για το ποιος βρίσκεται πίσω από την υπαναχώρηση του ιμάμη, εμείς σας αποκαλύπτουμε εδώ ότι πολύ πρόσφατα μιλώντας προσωπικά κάπου ο πρόξενος Ιλχάν Σενέρ ανέφερε σχετικά με τον επικείμενο νόμο για τους ιμάμηδες το εξής εντυπωσιακό: «Για όσο θα είμαι εγώ πρόξενος εδώ, αυτός ο νόμος δεν πρόκειται να περάσει»!

Και εμείς αυτή τη φορά δεν θα πούμε τίποτε για το πόσο προκλητικά αλαζονική είναι μια τέτοια δήλωση από έναν διπλωμάτη, που οφείλει απόλυτη υπακοή στους νόμους της χώρας που τον φιλοξενεί! Πραγματικά δεν χρειάζεται! Ούτε και θα επαναλάβουμε το προφανές όσον αφορά αυτό το γελοίο πομπώδες ανθυποσούργελο που παριστάνει τον πρόξενο, ότι δηλαδή το απολύτως αυτονόητο για οιαδήποτε στοιχειωδώς οργανωμένη πολιτεία θα ήταν να το διαολοστείλει κλωτσηδόν πέρα απ’ το ποτάμι!

Θα αναρωτηθούμε απλώς για το αν τελικά θα περάσει πράγματι το δικό του (και συνεπώς όχι και ο… νόμος για τον διορισμό των ιμάμηδων) από την ελληνική Βουλή, όπως μαθαίνουμε ότι γίνονται συντονισμένες (και κάτω από το… τραπέζι) προσπάθειες για να συμβεί.

Θα είναι, λέτε, άλλη μία νύχτα ντροπής για το λεγόμενο Ελληνικό Κοινοβούλιο;
Ελάχιστες μέρες απομένουν για να το διαπιστώσουμε…

Πηγή: Olympia.gr

The Birth of a Clone State – Part 5 (of 5)

The Birth of a Clone State – Part 1
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 2
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 3
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 4
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 5

Part V
The term clone is derived from κλών (klon), the Greek word for twig or branch, referring to the process whereby a new plant can be created from a twig.“It was night when we entered Monastiri and night when we left… The inhabitants – the town is populated by Greeks – walk about furtively… and dwell below ground in their basements… The people here got wind instantly of the arrival of fellow Greeks…They kissed our hands, caressed our rifles, patted our helmets… and wept calmly beneath the moonlight. ‘Can it be true? Are you really Greeks? Greeks from Greece? Our brothers?’ They explained that during all their years of slavery they had been waiting for us, dreaming about us ‘…please, brethren, never let us fall into the hands of the Serbs again. They’ve oppressed us horribly, just because we are Greek… They lash us with whips if they hear the Greek language spoken among us. They don’t even allow us to celebrate mass in Greek.’”

Through brilliant imagery author Stratis Myrivilis, born Efstratios Stamatopoulos, in his book Life in the Tomb evokes the meaning and truth of his personal experiences as a soldier in the Greek army in World War I. Monastiri, at the time a predominantly Greek city located on the southern edge of the Pelagonia valley, was originally founded by Philip II as Heraclea Lyncestis. During the Byzantine period it became known as Monastiri. Following almost 500 years of Ottoman occupation, the Treaty of Bucharest of 1913 placed the city under Serb control, only to be occupied by Bulgaria and the Central Powers just two years later during World War I. Myrivilis accounts firsthand as the Greeks, fighting on the side of the Allies, heroically entered Monastiri in 1918 ending the city’s brief Bulgarian occupation. At the conclusion of the war, Monastiri again fell under Serb control as part of Vardarska province in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The Slavs call it Bitola, from the old Slavic word obitel, meaning monastery.

The savage assimilation process which the city’s inhabitants had so vehemently exposed to the Greek soldiers went unheeded by the powers that be. Again the Greeks of Monastiri were left to their fate as policies of intimidation, persecution and terror perpetuated by successive regimes continued… even up to this day.

According to the latest census there are roughly 75,000 inhabitants in Monastiri. Not one of them has been recorded as Greek. Ninety years earlier the city was bustling with a Greek population including Greek schools, churches, businesses and cultural centers. Today a visitor can still see the remnants of the Greek glory days of Monastiri. So, what happened to all those Greeks? Where are they?

THE VLACHS. Following the 1768 Greek rebellion at Moschopolis, Epirus (today Voskopoja, Albania) then the cradle of Vlach speaking Greeks, and the subsequent destruction of the city by Ottoman irregulars and Albanian tribes, Vlachs moved to other cities in the Balkans including the cities of Monastiri, Ochrid, Gevgeli, Doirani, etc. presently in FYROM. The Vlach dialect has Latin origins going back to the Roman occupation of Greece. Vlach speaking Greeks do not define themselves with the term ‘Vlach’ but rather with the term ‘Aromoun’ or ‘Aromanian.’ This term is equivalent and a paraphrase to the term ‘Romios’ which was used to describe all Greek men since the time of the Roman Empire when the Roman emperor Caracalla under the Constitutio Antoniniana of 212 A.D. extended the privileges of full Roman citizenship to all free men. Therefore the term ‘Aromoun’ or ‘Aromanian’ which Vlachs themselves use is a self-definition of their ethnic Greek identity. Another term used by the Slavs to describe the Vlachs is ‘Vlachogrekomans.’

THE SARAKATSANS. The Sarakatsans are a Greek tribe with ancient origins. They originated from the area of Agrafa, a region in the southern part of the Pindos mountain range in central Greece. To avoid Ottoman rule they turned to nomadic life, abandoning the area of their settlement and fleeing north to territories now known as Serbia, Bulgaria and Romania. In the 19th century a large portion of this tribe settled in southern Serbia. They had preserved their ethnic Greek identity by reason of their nomadic life and marriages within the tribe. As a sign of protest against the Ottoman occupation of Greece they were dressed in black, also indicative of their mourning for the fall of Constantinople. Therefore their contemporary name ‘Sarakatsans’ derives from the Turkish words ‘kara’ meaning black and ‘kacan’ meaning fugitive. The Sarakatsans in FYROM speak the local Slavonic dialect as well as Greek.

In the next segment I will continue revealing the Greek minority in FYROM, including references to written documentation proving human rights violations against Greeks.

Source: PanMacedonian

The Birth of a Clone State – Part 1
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 2
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 3
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 4
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 5

Note: the article ends here as far as now (15 Jan 2013)

The Birth of a Clone State – Part 4 (of 5)

The Birth of a Clone State – Part 1
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 2
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 3
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 4
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 5

Part IV
The term clone is derived from κλών (klon), the Greek word for twig or branch, referring to the process whereby a new plant can be created from a twig.Approximately fifteen miles southeast of Cleveland, Ohio is a city called Macedonia. Upon inquiry over fifteen years ago, a local historian explained to me how the city got its name. In the early 1800’s Native Americans living in the area had made requests for theology students from Western Reserve College in nearby Hudson to come over and preach to them about Christianity. The students, reminiscent of the biblical passage where “…a vision appeared to Paul in the night; There stood a man of Macedonia, and prayed him, saying, Come over into Macedonia, and help us” (Acts 16:9) began calling the area Macedonia. According to the Scriptures, inspired by his dream the Apostle Paul proceeded to Philippi, Thessaloniki, Veroia, Athens, Corinth, Ephesus, etc. In his message, including epistles to the Philippians, Thessalonians, Corinthians, et al. he addressed his audiences in Koine Greek.

Over fifteen centuries after Paul’s mission, Slavophones living in the Ottoman-occupied Macedonia region began changing the names of cities and villages in the area to Slavonic equivalents. They referred to Thessaloniki as Solun, Florina as Lerin, Edessa as Voden, Monastiri as Bitola, and so on. However there was no need to change the term ‘Macedonia’ to a Slavonic equivalent simply because Slavs did not identify with the name either ethnically, culturally or historically. There was no such thing as a Macedonian ethnic identity. But late in the 19th century a Macedonian ethnic identity was conceived by Slavs in anticipation of an Ottoman retreat from the region as part of separate Bulgarian and Serb assimilation processes of the local element. Sealed with the Treaty of Bucharest, Greece was able to liberate approximately 80 per cent of the Macedonian region from the Ottomans in 1912-13. Parts of the northern Macedonian region, specifically Pelagonia and Gevgeli, fell under Serb control.

Today’s self-proclaimed ethnic Macedonians claim that their ‘country’ was partitioned in the Treaty of Bucharest. But following the Treaty there is no documented revolution, rebellion, revolt or insurrection by the so-called ethnic Macedonians of that time or by anyone else for that matter. As this ethnic Macedonian identity was mostly a Serb invention, they obviously could not have revolted against themselves. Even Macedonists such as Krste Misirkov eventually conceded and acknowledged their Bulgarian roots. But as for the Serbs, Macedonism was still on the table. Novakovic’s ‘blueprint’ later inspired Tito to rename the province of Vardarska to the Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Thus the ‘Cloning’ had begun. The conception of an ethnic Macedonian identity was advocated by the now-defunct Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Yet the same unjustified support continues to this day from the Washington establishment.

On October 27, Mr. Daniel Fried, the Department of State Asst. Secretary for European and Eurasian Affairs, remarked on the ‘Future for Macedonia’ to a group of journalists from FYROM, followed by a Q & A session. In his statements, Mr. Fried advocated an ethnic Macedonian identity developed upon FYROM’s accession into NATO and the European Union: “If Macedonia joins NATO and the European Union and develops its democracy and its economy and its institutions and is a success, your identity will develop from that success… All national identities in the world start off artificial.” That’s six big ’ifs’ for FYROM’s road to maturity devised on a fallacy.

NATO ACCESSION. In a Wall Street Journal Opinion on March 28, shortly before the NATO Summit in Bucharest, former U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, another FYROM advocate, claimed that FYROM “…meet(s) the necessary criteria for membership… have shown their commitment to human rights and regional stability by protecting the rights of ethnic minorities.” Perhaps Mr. Rumsfeld should re-evaluate his position by reading up on the U.S State Department’s latest Country Report on Human Rights Practices regarding FYROM: “According to the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators, government corruption was a serious problem… Societal discrimination against ethnic minorities persisted and inadequate protection of women’s rights remained a problem… Approximately half of ethnic minority students did not go on to high school due to lack of classes in minority languages at the secondary level… Trafficked women were forced to work in prostitution, often under the guise of dancers, hostesses, or waitresses in local clubs.”

EUROPEAN UNION. On November 5 Mr. Olli Rehn, EU Commissioner for Enlargement released the latest progress report on FYROM’s accession candidacy. Some excerpts: “…greater priority needs to be given to establishing a public administration which is transparent, professional and free of political interference. In this area the country is at an early stage… further strengthening of the judiciary is required as regards its independence, efficiency, human resources and budgetary framework… corruption remains a particularly serious problem… Little progress can be reported as regards promotion and enforcement of human rights.” And the list goes on. Out of nine accession conditions, none have been met. There will be no EU invitation this year. A veto will not be necessary.

Contrary to Mr. Fried’s theory, national identities do not emerge ex nihilo. The starting point of a new identity is a previous one. A nation-state is a state claiming to be a nation. With the exception of Serbia, the nation-states which succeeded the former Yugoslavia are based on the administrative divisions within it, not on pre-existing proto-nations. A different identity, in this case an ethnic Macedonian identity, can only replace existing ones. Fixated on an illusory ancient identity, the fundamental logic of this identity construction is basically negative and oppositional to the Bulgarian and Serb it replaced based on historically flawed interpretations of past events, all within the irredentist framework of Pan-Slavism. The conception of a ‘Macedonian Church’ by Tito, an atheist communist no less, was an attempt to advance this national identity and legitimize it. As was the conception of a ‘Macedonian language’ out of local Slavonic dialects.

The hegemony of this idealism structures FYROM’s pseudo nationalism on a state-manipulated collective identity. But it is this same state-fostered pseudo nationalism conflicting with the European Union’s political culture adversely affecting FYROM’s EU aspirations. Notwithstanding, this is the whole concept behind Tito’s ‘Macedonia.’ This is the ‘Cloning.’

In the next segment I will reveal the true Macedonians in FYROM, the Vlachs and the Sarakatsans, a.k.a. the Greek minority.

Source: PanMacedonian

The Birth of a Clone State – Part 1
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 2
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 3
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 4
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 5

The Birth of a Clone State – Part 3 (of 5)

The Birth of a Clone State – Part 1
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 2
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 3
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 4
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 5

Part III
The term clone is derived from κλών (klon), the Greek word for twig or branch, referring to the process whereby a new plant can be created from a twig.

On February 19, 1878, in the small Macedonian village of Litochoro on the lower slopes of Mt. Olympus overlooking the Aegean Sea, a group of brave Macedonian Greeks signed a Proclamation whereby “…the representatives of the various communities in Macedonia, overthrew the Sultan’s tyrannical authority, declared the union of Macedonia with mother Greece… Therefore, we were forced to seek our arms so that we may die as men as Greeks if we are not allowed to live like logical and free men.” The Declaration of the Greek-inspired Provisional Government of Macedonia by it’s President Evangelos Korovangos requested protection from the ‘Christian Super Powers’ through their respective consulates in Ottoman-occupied Thessaloniki ‘for the justification of their fight and the unification with mother Greece.’ Unfortunately, the British Consulate quickly disclosed these plans to the Ottomans, and within two weeks the rebellion was crushed. Those ‘Christian Super Powers,’ through the subsequent Treaties of San Stefano and Berlin later that year, further ignored these pleas for freedom from Ottoman tyranny and have either borne witness to or even incited the savagery which was to follow.Following the Treaty of Berlin, Pan-Slavists began a coordinated effort for Bulgaria to regain the region of Macedonia. Unwilling to simply overtake the region as that would seem too San Stefano-like and may again provoke the Great Powers, in 1893 ethnic Bulgarians formed the VMRO, or the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization. The role of the VMRO, through a combination of predatory impulses of the Komitadji death squads on one hand and a Pan-Slavist educational mechanism using Russian agents disguised as clerics under the auspices of the Bulgarian Exarchate on the other, was to conduct a systematic inhumane ethno-catharsis through intimidation, terror and murder thereby eradicating from the Macedonian region the Greek element who were unwilling to succumb to Slavism. Using their motto “Macedonia for the Macedonians” this was a deceptive attempt to initially create an autonomous Macedonia which would later unite with Bulgaria.The Serbs, not to be out-done by the Bulgarians, knew that directly suppressing the Bulgarian idea was impossible to achieve. Politician Stojan Novakovic conceived an active ethnogenesis process as a transitional stage in assimilating the regional element formulated upon the principle of Macedonia as a separate nation with it’s own language and history. He thought this ‘blueprint’ could attract the people and their feelings and thus sever them from Bulgarianism. This same doctrine of an ideological homogeneity was later adopted and meticulously implemented by Tito.

Today’s ruling party in FYROM is the VMRO-DPMNE (Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity), headed by Nikola Gruevski. Article 2 of the party’s Statute breaks down the acronym name. It states: “The first part of the name, VMRO, expresses the traditions of the Macedonian people from which the ideological and political struggle was subsequently integrated into the objectives and aims of the party.” This is inspired by the Pan-Slavist Bulgarian aspect of the Macedonism doctrine devised by the original founders of the VMRO.

Page one of the party’s current five-year program reads: “We particularly advocate the respect for the national and minority rights of Macedonians living in neighboring countries.” This relates to the Pan-Slavist Serb aspect of the irredentist ideology based on alleged homogeneity.

As the Russians, Bulgarians and Serbs were scheming their way to the Aegean Sea, Greece was fighting it’s own battles. The Greco-Turkish War of 1897 exposed Greece’s inability to liberate Macedonia at the time. With battle fronts in Crete, Macedonia, Epirus and the Aegean, Greece was understandably unable to militarily prevail in all simultaneously. The precipitous Ottoman demise was indeed additional incentive for Greeks in occupied territories to fight for their freedom. But the waters of the Aegean and the eastern Mediterranean were hostile to mother Greece and her oppressed sons. Great Britain’s desperate support for Ottoman sovereignty in order to keep Russian influence away from the Straits and Suez Canal was not only on display in the Congress of Berlin but also in the Mediterranean waters at Greece’s expense. In Martin Gilbert’s Churchill, 22-year old Brigade Major Winston Churchill writes to his mother questioning Lord Salisbury’s foreign policy strategy: “We are doing a very wicked thing in firing on the Cretan insurgents & in blockading Greece so that she cannot succor them… I look on this question from the point of view of right & wrong: Lord Salisbury from that of profit and loss.” (p. 68)

Today, in the center of Litochoro in the Pieria prefecture of Greece’s Macedonia province, a Heroes’ Memorial adorns the sloped landscape. The busts of Evangelos Korovangos and two other brave men honor those who died in 1878. They were the Crispus Attucks, Samuel Gray et al. of the true, Greek-inspired Macedonian Liberation Struggle. They were the first to fall for Macedonia. In recognition of these men who gave the ultimate sacrifice, I would like to cite Thucydides from The History of the Peloponnesian War as Pericles in his Funeral Oration so eloquently honors those who had first fallen in the war: “ανδρων γάρ επιφανων πασα γη τάφος” (2.43.3) meaning “for heroes have the whole earth for their tomb.” How fitting.

Source: PanMacedonian

The Birth of a Clone State – Part 1
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 2
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 3
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 4
The Birth of a Clone State – Part 5